Showing posts with label Derbyshire Bone Caves. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Derbyshire Bone Caves. Show all posts

Wednesday, 1 July 2020

Derbyshire Bone Caves 4: Waterfall Swallet


I have always been fascinated by our ancient ancestors. Recently I began looking into – quite literally – the Palaeolithic caves of my local region, the Peak District.
A good source of information is Andrew Chamberlin’s (2020) “Gazetteer of Caves, Fissures and Rock Shelters in the English Midlands”, Containing Human Remains”. He lists a cave at Eyam – Waterfall Swallet – as the site of a find of human and animal bones.

The cave at Waterfall Swallet – Waterfall Hole. N Barden June 2020.



The entrance to Waterfall Hole N Barden June 2020.



Looking out of Waterfall Hole. Wife in distance gives scale - she is 5' 7''. N Barden 2020


Chamberlain (2020) also gives references (see other sources below). These however proved hard to obtain or very short and unhelpful.
A wider trawl of the internet brought up nothing from the Heritage Gateway, Pastscape, Megalithic Portal or The Modern Antiquarian. Only an Ariadne (2020) record had any information whatsoever: “Cave excavated in 1999-2000. Few details available as yet, but human remains representing a single individual plus animal bones were found. No dating evidence as yet.” The contributor was listed as Historic England, but I was unable trace any record of the site on their website.
In desperation I followed the only clue I had left, that the excavation was carried out by D. Webb & the Masson Caving Group, in 1999-2000.
Lo and behold I found an article by Webb (2000a) in the Derbyshire Caver! The club had been digging opposite the known cave system to see if any undiscovered caves existed in the area. After digging out an earth-filled entrance passage, a shaft led downwards, a further drop led to an old mined level. Webb describes their discovery: “The slot led to a climb down past respectable formations into a narrow passage which to the right, (west), soon led to a short handpicked coffin-shaped level through sediments. Here we found two rotting stemples [mine cross-members used for support], and what, was later identified by archaeologists from Sheffield University, as a human arm bone! It is still unclear how the old lead miners entered, but they left empty-handed.”


Elevation of Crock Pot showing the location of the human remains found, adapted from Webb (2000a). Position (in red) is the estimated find spot for the human bone.


One would think that Webb was right: the find of the human bone at the junction of the miner’s level and the natural cave and the presence of pit props surely means a poor soul lost his life while working underground by candlelight. Or was he?
The presence of human and animal bones is highly suggestive of an archaeological site.

If the human arm bone did not come from an unfortunate miner, what are the possible sources?

I visited the site in June 2020. It consists of a large tree lined collapse doline on the north side of the road from Eyam to Foolow. Waterfall Swallet was sold to the National Trust in 2013 and now has a little gate and path down to the massive amphitheatre that hosts the cave. I mistakenly assumed that the large cave on the north side of the deep depression must be the site of find. I later found out that the correct location – Crock Pot – lies at the eastern end, close to the waterfall.


The eponymous waterfall. From this viewpoint, Crock Pot, the site of the human remains is almost directly behind you.

The waterfall is fed by a stream that runs ENE along the shale boundary from the uphill Eyam sandstone benches and gritstone plateau beyond. The other source is explained by Kirkham (1964): “On the south side of Bretton Edge Road, a few hundred feet east from where the Camphill road to the gliding club leaves it, an old green trackway runs south-east, and here the treed enclosure of Silence Mine runs downhill. The tail of the sough is in the middle of the field below this, where a small hollow in the ground has been walled on three sides, and a stone-lined space sunk in it to receive the water from a small piped hole in the walling. When it was a sough it would have had a larger entrance. About 1950, the farmer and a companion opened the sough between the tail and the bottom of the wood. The interior was only crawling height, the roof was of flat shale, propped with larch poles every few feet.


The water from the tail sinks into a slab-covered drain which goes southwards for about 1700ft to Piece End, the narrow strip of land on the west side of Bradshaw Lane, south-east of Swevic House. From here the drain goes south of east along the fields to the stream which goes to Waterfall Swallet.”

Sketch map by Beck (1975) with the shale boundary, and hence much of the stream course leading into Waterfall Swallet seen at top left.

This the stream and its uphill continuation as a drain pass close to Long Low bowl barrow, a known burial site. Excavated by Bagshawe, in 1863 this is therefore a plausible source of the bone, which was subsequently carried downstream to end up in Crook Pot. Other possible sources for transported bones include, an unknown barrow, a burial in Waterfall Hole (the cave opposite Crook Pot) or an accidental fall into the amphitheatre by some unfortunate wayfarer at any time since the Ice Age. I realise that these speculations sound unlikely, so I’ll ask you a question: “So where did the animal bones come from?” What no answers? Well it has to be water transport. And if you admit to that, so you must, as a consequence admit that the human arm bone may not be that of an unlucky miner and may belong to an ancestor of ours dating to any time from the Late Upper Palaeolithic, the Bronze Age, Iron Age or to the Medieval period.
The bone in question is housed at Sheffield University. I hope one day they will carbon date it.

Update 03.07.20
Whilst researching an entirely different project, I came across the following by Barker (1999):
“When Derbyshire got a good soaking last October, it was noticed that much of the water filling the Waterfall Swallet shakehole was vanishing down a previously unknown hole. This rift which is opposite the entrance gully, some 5 metres above the floor and to the left of the waterfall took a lot of water and draughts. lt lies beyond the western limit of Waterfall Hole and could lead into a continuation of the cave in this direction (if
we're lucky!) Mark Noble and John Beck began the dig by removing some tree roots and following the main rift down through soil and clay..”

It therefore seems that surface runoff in really, wet weather can fill the shakehole with an unimaginably large volume of water! Consequently, it seems even more plausible that the human arm-bone and animal bones were transported by water into the cave, as I suggested above.

References:
Ariadne (2020) at: http://ariadne-portal.dcu.gr/index.php/page/14723257 accessed 04.06.20

Barker, I (1999). Derbyshire Potterings “Innominate Pot” Derbyshire Caver no. 101 p12.

Beck, J. (1975) The caves of the Foolow-Eyam-Stoney Middleton area, Derbyshire and their genesis. Transactions of the British Cave Research Association 2: 1-11.

Chamberlain, A. (2020) Gazetteer of Caves, Fissures and Rock Shelters in the English Midlands “Waterfall Swallet” at: http://caveburial.ubss.org.uk/midlands/waterfallswallet.htm accessed 02.07.20

Kirkham, N. (1964) Notes on Silence Mine. Derbyshire Miscellany Volume 2 Part 12 pp 445-455.

Webb, D. (2000a). Crock Pot (or Pot of the Crocks) Waterfall Swallet: Eyam,
Derbyshire. Derbyshire Caver no. 108 p1-3.

Other sources
Barker, I. & Beck, J.S. (2010) Caves of the Peak District. Hucklow Publishing, Derbyshire.

Webb, D. (2000b) The pot of the crocks. Descent 156: 20-22.

Technical Speleological Group (TSG): Journal TSG 11 (1985) Waterfall Swallet, Foolow, Derbyshire

Saturday, 20 June 2020

Derbyshire Bone Caves 3: Ravencliffe Cave


Several visits were necessary to locate Ravencliffe cave in high summer 2019. The vegetation was very tall and dense, the dale side very steep and the path non-existent. On one early attempt, I took too high a line and ended up amidst crags on very steep ground, with the only exit upwards via a 70o gulley of lush vegetation! Views from below are completely blocked by tall trees, therefore it was incredibly difficult to find. Once I finally stood on the threshold I took a GPS reading. The correct coordinates are: 53o 15.523’ N, 01o 44.437’ W.


Ravencliffe cave entrance. Photograph by N. Barden May 2019.


Interior view of the cave ibid.

Adapted from Historic England (2015): “The cave, is located in, the Derbyshire Peak District on the eastern side of Cressbrook Dale. It was explored between 1902 and 1906, and again between 1927 and 1929.”


Ravencliffe Cave initial excavations January 1903 from Storrs Fox (1910).


Ravencliffe Cave excavation in 1906 from Storrs Fox (1910).


Ravencliffe Cave excavation 1928 from Storrs Fox (1928)

Comparing these last three views with the two by the author above, it is clear that a huge depth of sediments was removed during the two periods of excavation.

Historic England (2015) continues: “In both instances the published reports are rather lacking in detail. Items recovered from the cave include "an isolated scraper of uncertain affinity" (Campbell), but regarded as Upper Palaeolithic; Neolithic polished stone axes, a leaf arrowhead, scrapers and sherds of Peterborough Ware; Beaker sherds; two strips of ribbed gold, possibly representing some kind of ornament, (bracelets?) of Bronze Age date; collared urn sherds; Iron Age pottery; Roman pottery, glass beads, bronze brooches, stone hones and shale beads. A bronze awl and some bone items including a ring are probably later prehistoric in date. One glass bead may be Saxon. Human and animal remains were also recovered. The former are generally regarded as later prehistoric in date. The latter may cover all periods from the Palaeolithic to the Roman period.”
Contrary to the Historic England (2015) assessment of the excavations, consulting the original papers by Storrs Fox (1910 and 1928) and Read (1910), I find them quite detailed and thoughtful for their time.

Here is Storrs Fox’s description of the cave:
“Cressbrook Dale has its origin near Wardlow Mires, and for about half a mile takes a south-westerly course to Peter’s Stone. From thence its general position is in a direction due south to Cressbrook Mill, where it joins Monsal Dale. The imposing crags on the east side of Cressbrook Dale are cut in the base of Wardlow Hay Cop, a conical hill whose summit is 1227 feet above sea-leveI. One of these crags looks down on the little block of houses generally called Bury-me-wick, but marked on the ordnance map as Ravendale Cottages.
It is in this crag 1000 feet above sea-level that the ca.ve is situated. Its mouth faces south-west. The cave is formed by the falling-in of the roof between two main joints which run parallel to a line drawn across the entrance. A reference to the roofplan will make this plain. The wall at the back of the cave is formed by the solid rock beyond the first joint; a sudden drop in the height of the roof takes place at the next one, at a third the cave widens out into a chamber within the more narrow entrance, and at a fourth the entrance begins in the face of the crag. The ground-plan gives some idea of the difficulty of the work. At E there stood up above the floor a mass of detached blocks of rock cemented together and deeply encrusted with stalagmite. This mass extended eastward below the floor and reached to, a known depth of 7 ft. between this and the north-western side of the entrance (marked I on the plan) there was a cascade of stalagmite. Beneath the surface this was found to dip very suddenly towards the opposite side of the cave, and soon all trace of it was lost. At D a large block rose above the surface. Such were the main features of the cave; others are mentioned in the explanation at the foot of the plan.”
Storrs Fox describes the difficulties encountered during the excavations thus:
“The exploration of this cave was attended with unusual difficulties. Large blocks of rock, fallen from its roof, and heaped up in disorderly fashion formed the floor. Throughout quite half the area of the cave these blocks were firmly cemented together with stalagmite. This condition of things not only made excavation laborious and sometimes practically, impossible, but also rendered it hopeless to look for traces of distinct beds, except in one or two isolated regions. Moreover, its chronological sequence was marred in other ways. Rabbits had burrowed among the looser material of the floor, and the gaps between the blocks had provided a ready means for both ancient and modern pottery and implements to find their way clown far below their proper level.
Another serious difficulty was caused by the unsafe state of the roof. This was flat and formed by a, bed of rock stretching the whole distance across the cave, firmly supported only at the north-western side. On the other side it was broken.
Moreover, the crack ran in the wrong direction to afford support, consequently the removal of material below would probably cause a slight subsidence, but sufficient to bring the whole roof down. This danger was increased by the fact that the south-eastern wall was (at C) formed by a detached block of stone with its edge resting on a second block (B), which in turn lay upon a bed of small stones, or chitter. It was therefore unwise to attempt to carry the excavation to any great depth, and before long the necessary supports to the roof made it impossible, Although the mixed character of the finds detracts somewhat from the interest of the cave, its value as a cave was increased by the evidence of its former extension outwards from the present mouth towards the dale, and the discovery of a prehistoric piece of walling, many feet below the surface, with a sealed passage at the opposite corner of the cave containing little else but remains of bear.”



Plan of Ravencliffe Cave from Storrs Fox (1910). Original caption reads:
B Detached block of rock (below the surface) on which C partly rested. C Detached block of rock forming part of the cave wall. D Mass of rock rising 2 feet above the floor-level. E Large mass of detached rocks. G Area in which human remains were first met with, H Small pinnacle of rock above the floor level. I "Cascade" of stalagmite, M Entrance of the Bear passage. O Passage. P Passage. * Position of the gold bands.

On the excavations Storrs Fox reports:

“Outside the cave lay a rough terrace terminating abruptly towards the dale in a low, precipitous crag. It was at the very edge of this that operations were begun. This was made imperative by the necessity of getting rid of refuse material.
A wide trench was cut along the whole length of this terrace, all the material down to the solid rock being removed. The rock dips backwards towards tire cave, and the depth of material overlying it varied from 4 ft. near the edge to 11 ft. at the entrance to the cave.
Within a distance of 5 ft. from the edge of the terrace large blocks of stalagmite were met with. About 7 ft. nearer the cave the blocks were exchanged for a solid bed of stalagmite, persisting to a depth of 4 ft. throughout the remaining stretch of terrace. This bed and the above-mentioned blocks lay a few inches above the limestone, being separated from it by a layer of very fine yellowish soil, which contained here and there
remains of reindeer, rhinoceros, and bear. Just within the cave bones and teeth of the last two animals were found above the stalagmite, which was there covered by several feet of yellow gravelly earth.
Human bones were first met with in the area marked G on the plan. More or less under B were found a spoon-shaped worked flint, 3.45 ins. long and 1.7 ins. across (plate iii. 3, top illustration); a well-polished awl, 3.22 ins. long, made from the metapodial bone of a sheep or goat (plate iii. 6, bottom illustration); and a bone ring (plate iii. 8, bottom
illustration).
At the back of the cave a trench was found. It was about 3 ft. wide and lay between the cave wall and rock-mass, E.
At its south-eastern end it was 4 ft. deep; but it gradually sloped down towards the opposite extremity till it reached a depth of 6 ft, Here its boundaries became ill-defined; but at the more shallow end it was closed by rock and stalagmite.
Its bottom was formed by a sheet of stalagmite another, though less perfect. sheet sealing it above. In this trench gold ornaments, a bronze penannular brooch, a bronze awl, and several implements of bone and flint were found. These were mixed up indiscriminately with quantities of human bones and those of deer, boar, ox, sheep, and goat.
The human bones 400 in number-included those of adults of different ages, and of children down, to earliest babyhood. Only eighteen fragments of skull were found, and there was nothing approaching to a complete one. There were, however, seven mandibles (all adult), as well as thirteen broken pieces of others.
Near the passage O the excavation was carried down to a depth of 7 ft. The solid limestone forming the wall at the back of the cave abruptly ended near this level, and beneath it were the remains of a wall which had apparently enclosed a chamber. In this chamber a stone celt and some flints were found.
The passage P was cleared out, but it contained nothing of much interest. But another passage was found running in a south-easterly direction from M, averaging about 4 ft. high and 5 ft. wide, and extending for a length of 21 ft., when it abruptly came to an end. This passage was filled nearly to the top with earth and stones, containing a considerable quantity of bears' bones, both Ursus spelaeus and Ursus horribilis occurring. A sheet of stalagmite-thicker towards the sides, and in contact with the roof there, but thin and sometimes discontinued midway across, where it was divided from
the roof by a space of two or three inches-rested upon the material which filled the passage.
The work was begun in December, 1902 and was finally abandoned in January, 1908.”
The faunal remains excavated belonged to the following species:

Man, 400; Cat, 32; Dog (or Wolf), 87; Fox, 152; Badger, 13; Bear, 178; Ox, 131; Sheep and Goat, uncounted; Deer, 48; Boar,45; Horse, 9; [Woolley] Rhinoceros, 15; Hare, 57; Rabbit and Vole, uncounted; Bird (including 1 of Eagle) 101 and Frog and Toad, uncounted.
This is an interesting list with two bear species: Ursus spelaeus and Ursus horribilis. The first is well known to modern palaeontologists as the Cave Bear but we can only surmise that Storrs Fox meant ‘large brown bear’ for U. horribilis, this is because the closest bear species with this Latin appellation is the north American Grizzly bear, which is confined to the continent of the same name.




Ravencliffe Cave bear remains from Manchester Museum by Gelsthorpe (2018).

The key facts are:
  • Some disturbance to sedimentary sequence was seen
  •  Cold stage fauna were noted
  •  Cold stage fauna were found above and below the stalagmite layer
  • Human skeletal material was abundant, but no crouched or extended burial were seen, only what appear to have been exhumations, at the back of the cave
  • A singular walled niche at the bottom of the trench at the back of the cave, although it contained a celt [an axe-like tool] and flint tools but no burial. This structure is highly suggestive of some of the encisted, cave burials such as those on the Magnesian Limestone at Markland Grips Sepulchral Cave, Langwith Cave and Ash Tree Cave [see Beresford (2011)] and my post on Calling Low Dale (see here).
  • Whilst Read (1910) described all the finds, except the fauna, Storrs Fox could not help mention those he felt of particular interest and give their relative positions – this included “a spoon-shaped worked flint, 3.45 ins. long and 1.7 ins. across”
The DCC Wonders of the Peak (2018) website also reports mammoth, woolly rhino and reindeer.

All other finds were described by Sir Hercules Read, President of the Society of Antiquaries, and Director of the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities at the British Museum [Read (1910)].
First he provides the following opinions on the stratigraphy:
“The exploration of caves that have been used by man as habitations or otherwise is a fascination pursuit and rarely fails to add somewhat to our knowledge of the past. At the same time the conditions, natural or artificial, are rarely such as allow the investigator to read the story of its successive occupations. It is but seldom that stratification tells the story in consecutive and well-arranged chapters as was the case at Kent's Cavern, near Torquay. There the layers succeeded in clear sequence from the Palaeolithic period up to a few centuries ago. All that was needed was some indication of the length of the intervals between the various periods, and this may yet be forthcoming from such a site.
In the Ravencliffe Cave we have just the same mixture of periods, though the occupation of the cave itself does not seem to date beyond the Neolithic age; but the relics of most recent date Are even more modern than those of Kent's Cavern.”

The finds included:
Neolithic stone tools: 2 stone axes, flint scrapers, other tools, rubbers and hammers of quartzite. Bone instruments and fragments of pottery.
Some stone tools which Read deems worthy of note are described in detail: “The larger of the two stone axes (plate iii, fig. 1 top illustration [see below]) is a stout square-shaped tool, polished only near the cutting edge; the main part of the body is rough, and pitted so regularly and evenly as to suggest intentional bruising. In any case, the roughened surface would make a firmer hold for the wooden handle. The smaller axe (plate iii., fig. 2, top illustration) is of I more elegant and symmetrical form, and presents an entirely different aspect.
The flints have no very uncommon features. They include a good number of scrapers, mostly, of the short, rounded type found commonly in Derbyshire. One scraper, however, is of the duck's bill type (plate iii., fig. 8, top illustration), carefully chipped not only at the rounded fore-edge, but along the two sides also. One or two knives are also notable for, their serviceable appearance (plate iii., fig. 4, top illustration). The condition of the flints as to colour and patination is very diverse; the colours are black, translucent honey colour, and some pieces are grey. The patination shows less variety, one or two implements having a white cloudy tint; but the majority of the chipped surfaces are practically unchanged, either in colour or condition.”

Stone tools from Ravencliffe Cave - Read (1910). The plate is numbered I in contradiction to his text. Original caption reads: 3.- Spoon-shaped flint implement. 7.-Rude implement of chert, with worked edge.


Bone and bronze objects from Ravencliffe Cave – Read (1910). This plate is numbered II in contradiction to his text. Original caption reads: 6. - Awl made from sheep's metapodial bone  8 - Bone ring  10,- Awl made from splint-bone of horse 11 -Bronze awl

Of the pottery finds Read stated nothing more really, than that they were of late Neolithic or early Bronze age or later and were often calcified. Other pottery included Roman Castor ware.
Of the bone implements, he says: “The general aspect of some of the bone tools recalls those from Harborough Cave but they are hardly of the same age, and do not present the same well-defined types that sufficed to date the Harborough specimens with some certainty. In all probability the bone tools belong mainly to the same age as the pottery fragments - i.e., the barrow period..” In other words he assigns them to the late Neolithic or bronze age. He goes on to hazard some of their uses:
“Two pointed strips of bone (plate iii.. figs. 5, 14, bottom illustration) recall the use of similarly shaped bones from the Swiss lake dwellers, who, by binding a number of such bone strips together, made a rude kind of comb that might well serve usefully in weaving.” Bone tools also from the Bronze consisted of, a number, of interesting pieces:  awls made from sheep's metapodial bone, splint-bone of horse, a bone ring. Lastly spathulate bone stylus, possibly used in the decoration of pottery and a pierced bone tube – possibly a toggle - he assigns to the Romano-British era.
Articles in Bronze included an awl and two broaches one of undoubted, Roman influence.

Bronze broach of 2nd century AD. Picture from Smith (1912).

Last but definitely not least, are the two beautiful, finely beaten and incised gold bands. Of these Read (1910) says: “The objects, however, found in the cave which are of most intrinsic value, and are, at the same time, the most puzzling to explain, are two gold bands, alike enough to be called a pair. They are ridged lengthwise in somewhat rude fashion, and the edges of the metal are lapped over on the back. No means of attachment to any garment or other object is now to be seen, and it is most difficult to suggest what purpose they can have served. The nearest analogy that I know, is to be found in a gold band in the museum at Nantes. This is figured in "Parenteau" Inventaire Archeologique (Nantes' 1878), pl.6r, No. 1. This is stated, on page 2 of the same volume, to have been found with copper axes under " roches druidiques," at Saint-Pere-en-Retz If the Ravencliffe bands have any relation to these Brittany examples, it would point to their being of the early Bronze period, an attribution fully borne out by their inherent qualities of style In fact it is by no means unlikely that the gold bands are the contemporaries of the stone axes and the flint flakes found in the Ravencliffe Cave. The evidence of the barrow finds would fully bear this out.”
The two gold bands excavated at the back of Ravencliffe cave, from The British Museum (2020). Here is their description: “Gold decorated strip. Rectangular strip made with a beaten sheet of gold and decorated with irregular embossed ribs and incised lines. The four edges of the sheet have been bent over to form defined rims. And the curator’s opinion: “Listed by Taylor (1980, 136, Dr 2) as a hilt band. Similar multi-grooved strips of Bronze Age date are known from north-west Europe including in the British Museum collection from Flixton, Yorkshire (2004,0904.1a-b). Narrow-ribbon ornaments from the Saint-Marc-le-Blanc hoard, Brittany (Eluère 1981, 91, fig. 107), have fewer and correspondingly broader ribs/grooves. They are finer on an earring from Saint-Père-en-Retz, Loire- Atlantique, (ibid.) and finer still on some Irish Bronze Age ornaments. Among the latter are examples in two important associations, from Saintjohns, Co. Kildare, and Derrinboy, Co. Offaly (Eogan 1983, 227, 240, fig. 11b and 14). Good parallels are harder to find in Britain, but there is a similar grooved strip from The Hamel, Oxford, excavated from a layer which also yielded Beaker pottery of the Early Bronze Age (Palmer 1980, 124-134). Three gold grooved strips from Scottish grave finds which served as hilt/pommel mounts for Early Bronze Age daggers are crafted differently and may be less relevant (Henshall 1968, 173-95; contra Taylor 1980, 136).”

To summarize Read (1910) his key points were
  • The stratigraphy is disturbed
  • No occupation before the Neolithic
  • Many Bronze Age and Romano-British finds in flint, bone and gold
  • His plate numbered II shows the unusual scraper, with the caption underneath reading “3.- Spoon-shaped flint implement”. Inexplicably he offers no commentary on it, despite it being an obvious anachronism by its chipping technique, suggestive of a much earlier date. Yet he is obviously is aware that it is an important piece, from his inclusion of it in his caption below the plate. From this, I conclude that he had his suspicions of its likely much older origin, but did not want to ‘stick his neck out’ and state this explicitly.
The true nature of this scraper emerged slowly, and in curious fashion. I will let Storrs Fox (1928) take up the story:

“It has already been stated that the purpose of the work in 1927 and 1928 was the discovery of traces of Palaeolithic man. Now, it happened that on 1st June, 1905, a flint implement of peculiar form and character was found inside the cave in the area marked I on the plan, and it was extracted from the Pleistocene bed. It was shown to an authority at the British Museum, and he stated that it was Neolithic, and it would have been impertinence on the part of an amateur to have questioned the diagnosis of an expert. Moreover, the report was divided into two parts, and the second part, dealing with artifacts, was written by Sir Hercules Read, President of the Society of Antiquaries, and Director of the Department of British and Mediaeval Antiquities at the British Museum. The implement in question was illustrated on the upper part of Plate III, fig. 3, and it was in the hands of Sir Hercules Read when he wrote his account of the artifacts.
Nevertheless, he passed it over in complete silence. On p. 147 he remarked, " the occupation of the cave does not seem to date beyond the Neolithic age." That no doubt is true so far as actual occupation is concerned, and so far as evidence has been forthcoming up to date.
But in 1927, the Abbe Breuil and Mr. A. Leslie Armstrong paid a visit of inspection to the cave, and afterwards came to see my collection. When the Abbe saw this flint among a number of Neolithic implements, he at once singled it out, and exclaimed,  "That is not Neolithic: it is Palaeolithic." In the course of years the particulars regarding its discovery had been forgotten; but, when it was examined, on its underside were the date of finding and the bed from which it had been derived. On referring to notes made at the time no doubt was possible as to its having been found in the same bed which had produced reindeer, rhinoceros, and bear. It follows that Palaeolithic man had wandered in the neighbourhood of Ravencliffe Cave, even if he never voluntarily entered it.”

Thus the fire was lit for the further excavation of the cave, the following year. Storrs Fox (1928) recounts his new findings and corrects some errors in his previous stratigraphy:
“In the Journal (voI. xxxii, 1910, p. 143) it was stated that remains of reindeer, rhinoceros, and bear (see picture 16) were found beneath the bed of stalagmite. But this is manifestly an error, which was probably the result of a mistaken deduction. No doubt in the early days of excavation the hypothesis was that beds no. 3 and 4 ran horizontally throughout their whole course towards the terrace edge, and therefore that bones of reindeer, etc., found within a few inches of the solid rock must have been deposited before the stalagmite began to form. But the truth is that the further out these beds reached the more were they exposed to weathering, and that the stalagmite in particular became very much reduced in depth, and finally disappeared. And here the Pleistocene bed passed beyond it and in turn reached the rock-floor, consequently, the true position of the first finds of reindeer, rhinoceros, and bear was above the stalagmite bed and not below it.”
He thus revises the stratigraphy to:
“1. Dark, vegetable soil, no doubt to a large extent the result of leaves which in the course of centuries had been blown into the cave. This bed varied in depth from 2 or 3 inches to 7 feet or more.
2. A thin layer of lighter brown colour, which here and there was intermediate between nos. 1 and 3.
3. Small, angular stones closely compacted together, and cemented by means of stalagmite into a very tough breccia, so tough that it only yielded to pick-axe and crow-bar and consequently bones could rarely be extracted from it without fracture. This bed rested within the cave on solid stalagmite, and extended from the north-west wall to the south-east, and through the entrance to within a few feet of the outer edge of the terrace. Wherever it had been exposed to weather, it was less hard. It is called the Pleistocene bed, and surpasses all others in importance.
4. A bed of solid stalagmite covering the same area as no. 3. It reached a thickness of upwards of 4 feet, but gradually petered out towards the edge of the terrace.
5. Between no. 4 and the solid limestone floor there was a layer of sticky yellow soil, in which only unrecognisable fragments of bones have been found up to the present
date.”

He also gives a new plan of the cave:


Note that the position of the “Spoon shaped flint’ has changed from B to g. This inconsistency was also noted by Sykes (2010): “There is disagreement between the two reports on the area in which the scraper was found in the cave: the earlier report describes it as a ‘spoon-shaped’ piece, and states that it was found on the south east side of the cave, underneath large blocks, where later prehistoric artefacts were also found, though no information on their association with the scraper are given. The later report identifies the scraper as Palaeolithic, not Neolithic, and gives the location as on the north-west side of the cave. It is quite unambiguous however about the deposit from which the scraper was excavated: the breccia with the Pleistocene fauna.”

Here is the scraper in question from Storrs Fox (1928):


The drawing and caption are by Leslie Armstrong. Caption:

The Ravencliffe Implement.
A side-scraper of Mousterian type and technique, 1 ¾  inches wide and 3 ½  inches long, in a fine chalcedonic flint, originally of a brownish shade, but patinated a pale blue, flecked with white and resembling " basket patina."
The edges are sharp and un-abraded. The implement has been worked on a thermally fractured piece of flint, or upon a flake struck from a thermally
fractured surface which is seen on the under side of the implement. Except for very slight retouching on the underside at the narrow end, the whole of the flaking is upon the upper face of the scraper and consists of bold primary flaking over the whole surface of the implement and a fine secondary re-touch around the margins, much of which is step-flaking of typical Mousterian character. (A. Leslie Armstrong).

Whilst some modern comments on the scraper, such as those from Historic England (2015) are indeterminate “an isolated scraper of uncertain affinity”, other views are becoming more positive concerning its attribution.

From DCC, Wonders of The Peak (2018): “This flint scraper was discovered in Ravencliffe Cave in the early 1900s. The 9cm long tool was knapped from a flake of blueish-grey flint. Archaeologists identified the flint knapping technique as Mousterian – a style closely associated with Neanderthals. The scraper is thought to date to around 40,000 years old, during the Middle Palaeolithic.”

Photograph of the same scraper from DCC Wonders of the Peak (2018).

The most interesting finds apart from the lone scraper were the faunal remains. These may well help  date the scraper with some certainty. They included: reindeer, (woolly?) rhinoceros, and cave bear. These put the date of the layer either around 50,000BP or after the last glacial maximum ca. 16,000-11,500BP.

A modern view of the fauna excavated from Ravencliffe cave, is given by Sykes (2017), who characterised the fauna of the cave as “Probable Pin Hole MAZ”, in other words the mammoth-steppe fauna of the Pin Hole mammal assemblage-zone (MAZ).

Sykes (2017) explains the recolonization of Britain during late MIS4 and early MIS3 thus: “Following the MIS-4 glaciation, the beginning of MIS-3 is characterised by rapid climatic amelioration with frequent, abrupt oscillations, the formation of a mammoth-steppe ecosystem, and the reappearance of Neanderthal occupation.”
Sykes (2010) describes the scraper: “a single highly resharpened convergent scraper probably from a source up to 150 km distant.” and “The local geology at Cressbrook Dale is Carboniferous limestone (containing chert) and coal. There are some igneous tuff outcrops in the Dale, and locally some intrusive dolerites and lavas. The flint used for the scraper is unlikely to be locally available. The nearest outcrop source of any flint is over 100 km, in eastern Yorkshire, although this is northern flint, and the scraper appears to be made on southern flint (based on its translucency) despite the inclusions, therefore the nearest southern chalk deposits are in fact almost 170 km distant.”
Sykes (2010) comments: “The typological assignation of the piece to the Mousterian is generally accepted (R. Jacobi pers. comm. 2007), and is therefore the only evidence of a Neanderthal presence in the Peak District during MIS 3. It appears that the scraper was brought to the cave as a curated, highly resharpened tool, probably as part of a personal toolkit designed for portability and maintainability. The lack of any other obviously Mousterian artefacts such as more scrapers or bifaces suggests this may have been a single visit, perhaps only involving one or two people, although it is possible that there may have been some small pieces of associated debitage that were missed during excavation, or simply not recorded. This occupation, with apparently no exploitation of local stone, suggests high mobility, as does the distant source of the flint, at least 50 km away.”


The same scraper from Sykes (2017). Original caption reads: “..Fig. 8. Retouched artefact variation.. D Convergent scraper Ravencliffe Cave (southern flint).”

There can thus be very little doubt that Neanderthals at least visited Ravencliffe Cave during long-range hunting trips. However, it seems unlikely that due to the almost complete emptying of the cave, the discarding of the sediments and the lack of an accurate stratigraphic record of its deposits, a more detailed and exact chronology of the occupation of the cave is impossible to deduce. Indeed, looking again, at the first five pictures, it is evident that a vast volume of sediment and debris was removed from the cave.
However, on my visit to Ravencliffe Cave in July 2019, did nevertheless reveal some hope of dating the flowstone floor (layer 4) just above which, the Pleistocene layer containing the Mousterian scraper is situated.
Inspecting the back, of the central portion of the cave revealed intact remnants of the stalagmite/flowstone floor.


Extant stalagmite floor at the back of Ravencliffe cave. Photograph by N. Barden May 2019.

If a sample was taken and dated via the U/Th method a date just prior to the Neanderthal occupation could be ascertained.

References:
Beresford, M., 2011. An Analysis of Prehistoric Cave Burials in the Magnesian Limestone region of north-east Derbyshire. MB Archaeology Local Heritage Series, Number 2, October 2011. Published online at: http://www.mbarchaeology.co.uk/wp-content/uploads/2012/03/LHS2%20%20Prehistoric%20Cave%20Burials.pdf            
DCC, [Derbyshire County Council] Wonders of The Peak (2018) “Neanderthals in Derbyshire” at: https://www.wondersofthepeak.org.uk/facts/neanderthals-in-derbyshire/ accessed 13.11.18

Gelsthorpe, D. (2018) at: https://twitter.com/paleomanchester/status/1034394911997612032 accessed 19.07.19

Historic England (2015) at: http://www.pastscape.org.uk/hob.aspx?hob_id=309125 accessed 13.11.18

Read, C. H., (1910). Ravencliffe Cave II. Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society v. 32 pp 147-157

Smith, R. (1912) Ravencliffe Cave. Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society v. 34 pp 147-157

Storrs Fox, W. (1910) Ravencliffe Cave I. Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society v. 32 pp141-146

Storrs Fox, W.  (1928). Ravencliffe Cave. Journal of the Derbyshire Archaeological and Natural History Society 50, 1928 Page(s) 71-78

Sykes, R.W., 2010. Neanderthals in Britain: Late Mousterian Archaeology in Landscape Context (Doctoral dissertation, University of Sheffield, Department of Archaeology).

Sykes, R.M.W., 2017. Neanderthals in the Outermost West: Technological adaptation in the Late Middle Palaeolithic (re)-colonization of Britain, Marine Isotope Stage 4/3. Quaternary International, 433, pp.4-32.

Wednesday, 10 June 2020

Derbyshire Bone Caves 2: Elder Bush cave


Elder Bush cave lies to the south of Thor’s cliff in an outcrop of reef limestone. It overlooks the whole of the Manifold valley bottom from a position on the very skyline at an altitude of 275m.


View of Thor’s cliff from Elder Bush cave. N Barden July 2019. 


The entrance to Elder Bush cave. N Barden July 2019.

PastScape (2015) reports the excavations thus: “Elderbush Cave was excavated by the Peakland Archaeological Society between 1935 and 1952. The earliest finds were Pleistocene animal remains, and some Upper Palaeolithic flint flakes. Some Mesolithic activity was also attested. Some human bones are probably of Neolithic date, while the Neolithic, Bronze Age and Iron Age were apparently represented by pottery. The Roman finds include a quantity of pottery, some fibulae, an iron knife, and some whetstones. However, one of the Roman potsherds joins with a sherd from Thor's Fissure Cave (SK 05 NE 30), raising doubts about the provenance of some of the material. A quantity of animal bones were reported to have come from "the Romano-British layer", but there are doubts about the precision of the excavation techniques.”


This last point is indeed a conundrum. However, Don Bramwell, was one of G. H. Wilson’s ‘Brotherhood of the Pick and Shovel’ that excavated Thor’s Fissure cave, during Easter of 1930 - see Wilson (1926) p. 21. He evidently kept some pottery in his collection and when incorporated into the museum collection upon his death, may have been mislabelled.

A detailed and well-illustrated summary of the excavations by the director of the work, D. Bramwell was published in 1964. On the discovery of the cave he says: “The discovery of a wide-mouthed cave, high on the slopes of the Manifold Valley near Wetton, Staffordshire, raised the hope that some evidence of very early cave occupation by man might at last be encountered in the limestone area. The discoverer of the cave Rev. G. H. Wilson of Buxton, gathered together a corps of voluntary helpers to carry out the exploration.. Through failing health Mr Wilson was unable to complete the rather strenuous task of directing the work, so at a late stage the responsibility passed into my hands.. Work at the cave extended from 1935 to 1952, apart from a break of four years due to the war.”

His description of the cave is as follows:
“The cave as shown in fig. 1, is only one part of a quite complex system of chambers and passages, all of which were concealed until excavation began to reveal a series of five water worn channels or swallets, below a rock ledge on the north east side of the chamber. Entry into the lower system is gained by a steep descent of Swallet 1, which soon levels out into a fissure-like chamber. From this fissure, narrow, tube-like passages lead to a short vertical pitch into a second fissure which formerly carried some fine stalactite formations, or alternatively into a low chamber through which one can crawl to emerge into the bone cave, via Swallet 2. Swallets 3, 4 and 5 are still choked with clay but may repay further digging. The small low chamber between Swallets 1 and 2, is the only part of the lower system in which bones have been found, which had rolled down from the main bone cave.”

Bramwell’s Fig. 1. Original caption reads: Plan of Elder Bush cave. Each division marked is six feet long.


Side view of Elder Bush cave drawn by Bramwell from Wonders of the Peak (2020).


Section drawing by Don Bramwell from Wonders of the Peak (2020)

Noting that before excavation sediments reached within 2 feet of the roof, Bramwell relates the stratigraphy:
“1. White clay. Excavation has proved the cave to be a modified sloping fissure, fig 2, with a steep dip towards the north east, therefore there is no level floor and this lowest deposit of white clay clings to the sloping south west wall and extends to the north west to unknown depths. No foreign material.

Bramwell’s Fig. 2, amended to show the possible assignment of MIS stages to Bramwell’s stratigraphy.

2. Yellow sandy clay, lying conformably on layer 1. No foreign bodies except geological. 
3. Breccia of gritstone and limestone. Found in the final chamber only. May be contemporary with layer two and of the same parent material with the finer particles washed out. The cavity found under the stalagmite floor, section C-D may result from this process (see below).




Bramwell’s Fig 3. Original caption reads: Section across the Final Chamber on the line CD. The skull is that of a Brown Bear.

4. Massive stalagmite. This overlaid the yellow clay in a significant area of the cave, but in the final chamber formed the roof of several cavities (see above). In that chamber it formed a solid floor, however its presence in the main chamber could only be deduced by large broken slabs. Whether its collapse in the main chamber was due to washout processes which created the cavity in the Final Chamber or whether frost heave from ice within the clay precipitated the collapse is unclear.
5. Laminated grey clay. The massive stalagmite of layer 4 was fairly, evenly covered with material. Its laminated nature was assumed to be due to seasonal deposition, due to seasonal runoff filtering through the cave roof. It had a thickness of ca. two feet and 5000 laminae.
6. Sand. This lay in an almost uniform bed over the grey clay. Like all previous layers it contained no organic remains.
7. Sandy cave earth. This layer merged imperceptibly with the underlying layer imperceptibly. It was so named because it contained bones. The absence of clay binding the sand particles indicates dry conditions and indicates the sand probably has an aeolian origin. Bramwell compares this layer to certain lower layers from Creswell Crags.
8. Flaky stalagmite. A limited deposit found interstratified with layer 7 found in certain areas of the cave assumed to be ‘wet patches’, near the cave mouth. Most fortuitously wind-blown debris of leaves and insect wings was caught in this quickly forming stalagmite and fossilized (see below).

Fossilized leaf and insect wings from the ‘flaky stalagmite layer’ near the entrance of Elder Bush Cave. Bramwell, fig 4.
a was determined to be Acer monspessulanum, whilst b is the wing of a caddis fly, probably Microptera cf. nycterobia

9. Red cave earth. This stratum formed the main bone-bearing stratum of the cave. It consisted of stiff red clay with many darkly stained mammal bones and sub-angular limestone fragments. The layer was subdivided in the middle, by an indurated layer or ‘pan’ about 3 inches thick. The fauna of lower section (hyena, lion and large bison) indicated a warm climate, whilst the appearance of cold fauna higher in the layer (reindeer, bear and fox) indicate a cold climate.
10. Transitional layer. Looser than the underlying layer and merging imperceptibly with the overlying gravel layer. Again, a cold fauna.
11a. Limestone gravel – uncemented and therefore not a breccia. This occupied a considerable depth in the main chamber. It did not occur in the Final Chamber but was replaced by the interbedding of the flaky stalagmite layer in the (layer 8). It is conjectured that it formed in a period of rapidly fluctuating temperatures. Seems to be a deposit resulting from the rapid switches between glacial and temperate climate.
12. Post Glacial deposit. Brown loam with limestones pieces, extending out of the cave and down the talus slope.

Two interior views of the cave photographed July 2019 by the author:




The fauna of the cave proved to be quite interesting.
Layer 7 contained species of the Eemian: Hippopotamus, lion, hyena, giant deer, wolf, large bison and hare.
Layer 9 lying directly over layer 7 in the majority of the cave marks a transition in climate from warm to cool. It sees the lion, large bison and hyena continuing but cold adapted species began appearing such as woolly rhinoceros, horse, cave bear, reindeer and lemmings. By the middle of layer 9, hyena, cave lion, cave bear and woolly rhinoceros, are replaced by red deer and wild pig. These last two are indicative of woodland and hence the middle of layer 9 probably represents a milder, interstadial period. Recalling that the bones in this region were cemented with ‘pan’ also indicates a milder climate. Above this pan, still in layer 9, the bones were mainly of reindeer, fox, bear and large bovid (auroch?) – this is again a distinctly cold fauna.

Additionally Bramwell comments: “A number of bones from this layer were found to have rolled down swallet 2 and were preserved in a small chamber at the base of the swallet.” These included the brown bear skull shown below.


Bear skull from Elderbush Cave, photographed shortly after discovery. Now on display at Buxton Museum and Art Gallery. From Wonders of the Peak (2020)


Sketch of a bear skull from Elderbush Cave, Don Bramwell. PAS Collection, Buxton Museum. From Wonders of the Peak (2020).


A later publication (Bramewll and Shotton 1982) identifies the bear species as Cave Bear, Ursus spelaeus.

Layer 10, the transitional layer, had a continuation of this fauna, but its looser drier nature allowed better preservation of fragile specimens such as grouse and mallard. Both these bird species, Bramwell posits are indicative of full glacial conditions.
Layer 11 contained only bones of the large bovid. Also present were the bones of water vole and numerous amphibian species. Bramwell hypothesises that their presence indicates the late glacial stage.
Layer 12. Brown loam – possible post glacial deposits.
Comparing  the climate sequence Bramwell has inferred from the cave stratigraphy to the MIS stages and their known climate, the correspondence is remarkably good – see picture 5.
Now if we go on to look at the archaeological finds from the cave we can also infer their dates and tentatively who was occupying the cave.
These were:
Layer 9 (top) reindeer metacarpal worked to a point – possibly a spear point or an awl. Bramwell assigned this to the late Palaeolithic period – see picture below. No flint tools.


Bramwell Fig. 5. Bone tools from Elder Bush Cave. a and b cheek pieces for a Bronze Age horse harness. c, bone point possibly a spear point or an awl of Neanderthal (?) make.

Layer 10. 7 pieces of worked flint. Six are figured by Bramwell – see Bramwell’s Fig. 6 below. He comments: “pieces labelled a, b, and c, appear to have broken points, but they have sharp cutting edges and might thus have been dual purpose tools”.. “similar unretouched blades have been found in the upper levels of Mother Grundy’s Parlour, Creswell and Armstrong suggested that the Elder Bush material may be Mesolithic. This is untenable in view of the strongly Late Pleistocene facies of the fauna and I think they could equally well be Palaeolithic.” Furthermore he commented on the one really diagnostic piece found (now missing): “A backed blade, about 1 ½ inches long was the only tool with secondary work”.. “However it was of the same white patination as those figured..”


Bramwell Fig. 6 – stone tools from layer 10

It is worth mentioning that this type of backed knife is typical of Mousterian – Neanderthal tools. Other signs of human occupation in this layer included bones of reindeer, split to obtain marrow, charcoal from fire use and a cached reindeer thoracic region. Bramwell concludes that the small quantity of debris found indicates a hunting camp as opposed to a long period of occupation.
Layer 11 – a single large Bovid vertebra.
Layer 12 – post glacial, of which Bramwell says “The post upper Palaeolithic archaeology of the cave is less significant as it was concerned with possible, Early Bronze Age, Early Iron Age and Romano-British periods..” He did not however cover it in detail.


Bramwell (1964) Fig. 8. Early to mid Bronze age finds form Elder Bush cave: Beaker pottery (a and b) and a fibula (c)

On the stratigraphic, placement of some of the bones found, perhaps including the bone point, Lewis et al. (2011) made the following comments: “A record of hippopotamus together with reindeer is known from Elder Bush Cave (Staffordshire; Bramwell 1964), where it is thought that the reindeer was intrusive from overlying Devensian sediments.”
This is simply NOT the case! Here is what Bramwell (1964) actually had to say on stratigraphy and the placement of finds within it: “In any discussion of the fauna of Elder Bush Cave it is necessary to note the method by which the sediments were excavated during the earlier phase. This was at times liable to error for, from my observations, level trenches were worked as far as possible, whereas my own section  revealed a series of sloping beds, particularly in the deeper and older deposits. Thus if a level trench were to be made at the ninth foot (fig. 2), it would be liable to contain bones from layers 9 and 7, with consequent mixing of animals from warm and cooler climate. Thus I have had to revise the provenance of a few of the bones from lower levels.”

So, Bramwell had already revised where in the section, bones came from. Thus he is certain that the bone point is from the top of layer 9.
He states this explicitly later in his paper: “The oldest artifact in the cave, based on the stratigraphy, was the metacarpal bone of a reindeer which had been shaped to a point and cut away at the back. This was found in the topmost layers of the red cave earth, layer 9, and so falls into the late Pleistocene period.”
Lewis et al. accept the stratigraphy: “..the overlying Devensian sediments.” Yet he states that reindeer bone was found with hippopotamus.
What are we to make of this? There are several possibilities. Lewis may simply, not have read the stratigraphic description thoroughly and/or compared it with the published section.
The bone to which Lewis is referring, is another reindeer bone of which I am unaware of as it is unpublished. This would contradict Lewis’ referencing of Bramwell’s 1964 paper as his source.
Bramwell did indeed find hippopotamus bones with reindeer and they were intrusive from above.
However, from the published record, Lewis et al. (2011) have no evidence of this whatsoever.

Thus the dating of the reindeer bone point stands. It dates to between ca. 85ka and 73ka. Therefore it is of probable Neanderthal make.


On human remains Bramwell (1964) makes no mention. However, in Bramwell (1950) he says:  “The human remains are poor, consisting for the most part of odd teeth and phalanges with no sign of an encisted burial. Most of these remains occurred in the earth of the platform in front of the cave.”

Interest in the age of the Manifold Valley caves was undoubtedly sparked by Bramwell’s excavations. Rowe at al. (1988) therefore, looked at a number of locations in the 1980’s.
They report their investigation of Manifold Valley caves “In order to investigate the chronology of the development of the Manifold Valley, speleothems were collected from twelve fossil cave remnants and dated by the uranium – thorium method.. Much of the calcite examined was detritally contaminated or too young to be of significance, but two caves, Elder Bush and Darfur Ridge, contained flowstones of sufficient quality and age to be of use in reconstructing the history of valley incision.”

This sampling, of the speleothem, formations of the cave revealed its importance: “Analyses of uranium and thorium isotopes in calcite samples from thick flowstones within a high level relict cave remnant (Elder Bush Cave) indicated that the formations were beyond the range of the uranium-thorium dating technique (350 ka). 234/U//238/U isotope activity ratios approached unity, suggesting that the flowstones may have formed a considerable time before 350 ka. Palaeomagnetic samples taken from cores drilled through the flowstones showed the presence of both normally and reversely magnetized calcite. In some cases reversely magnetized layers overlie normally magnetized layers. This evidence, taken in conjunction with the uranium isotope data, is interpreted as indicating an Olduvai age (1.66-1.87 Ma) for some of the flowstone horizons. It is suggested that the cave became vadose by or soon after 2.0 Ma. The position of the cave near the valley rim enables an estimate to be made of the maximum rate at which the present valley has been excavated. This is calculated to be 5.5 cm/ka. Remnants of old valley floors preserved within the existing valley suggest that downcutting has been a continuous process. Flowstone from a cave on one of the lower valley floor remnants (Darfur Ridge Cave) has been dated to 284 +34/-27ka allowing a maximum downcutting rate since that time of 11.2 cm/ka. The proximity of Elder Bush Cave to the valley crest suggests that its abandonment marked the onset of the incision of the present system of dales that characterize the English Peak District, presumably initiated by epeirogenic uplift or tilting.”


Rowe (1988), Fig 3. Original caption reads: Sketch plan of Elder Bush cave entrance chamber showing main flowstone formations and locations from which cores and hand specimens and hand specimens were recovered.

The work of Rowe et al. (1988) therefore, emphasises the importance of short relict caves such as this in Quaternary environmental reconstruction.

What then can we say of the likely occupiers of the site? The earliest artifact, the point made from a reindeer metacarpal likely dates between 85-70ka. As such it would be Neanderthal.
Whilst bone tools have been regarded as part of the package of human innovation arriving in Europe ca. 40-45,000BP Neanderthal bone tools are known from the archaeological record. These include: Probable scrapers Gran Dolina, Spain 300ka Rosell et al. (2011); Bone point Große Grotte Germany 100-50ka Albrecht et al. (1972); Bone Retouchers, La Quina, France 71-57 ka Verna et al. (2011); Rib tools and bone point Salzgitter Lebensted Germany 58-54 ka BP Gaudzinski (1999); Lissoirs (hide/leather smoother) Pech-de-l’Azé I (Pech I) and Abri Peyrony, France 48-41ka Soressi et al. 2013; Grotta della Cala, Grotta del Cavallo, and Grotta di Castelcivita, Italy bone awls 41-43ka d’Errico et al. (2012).
Additionally, WenbanSmith (2010) has found a well dated Devensian, lithic assemblage in Kent proving Neanderthals were in Britain during the period in question.

Whilst Rowe’s work does not in any way confirm that Neanderthal’s lived at Elder Bush cave between 85 and 73ka, it does reliably show that the cave had its speleothems deposited by at the latest, 730ka. Therefore, the sediment deposits that filled the cave, must post-date this ancient epoch. In fact, notwithstanding interruptions during glaciations, there was indeed more than adequate time for the cave to fill with sediment to the great depth that Bramwell excavated.
It therefore seems that while the evidence for Neanderthal occupation of Elder Bush cave is equivocal, it may have, at least temporarily, been occupied by Neanderthals.

References
Albrecht, G., Hahn, J. and Torke, W.G., 1972. Merkmalsanalyse von Geschoßspitzen des mittleren Jungpleistozäns in Mittel-und Osteuropa (Vol. 2). W. Kohlhammer.

Benito, B.M. and G. Gil-Romera (2016) Eemian Distribution of Neanderthals via Authorea at https://www.authorea.com/users/8423/articles/72586-eemian-distribution-of-neanderthals/_show_article# accessed 27.04.19

Bramwell, D. (1950). Cave Dwellers and Dens of Late Pleistocene Animals in the Manifold Valley, Staffordshire. Transactions of the Cave Research Group of Great Britain, 1950, Vol 1, Issue 4, p. 43-52

Bramwell, D. (1964). The Excavations at Elder Bush Cave, Wetton, Staffs. North Staffordshire journal of field studies vol. 4, Page(s) 46-60


Bramwell, D. and Shotton, F.W., 1982. Rodent remains from the caddis-bearing tufa of Elder Bush Cave. Quaternary Newsletter, 38, pp.7-13.

d’Errico, F., Borgia, V. and Ronchitelli, A., 2012. Uluzzian bone technology and its implications for the origin of behavioural modernity. Quaternary International, 259, pp.59-71.

Gaudzinski, S., 1999. Middle Palaeolithic bone tools from the open-air site Salzgitter-Lebenstedt (Germany). Journal of Archaeological Science, 26(2), pp.125-141.

Lewis, S. G., Ashton N. and R Jacobi (2011). Testing Human Presence During the Last Interglacial (MIS5e): A Review of the British Evidence in Developments in Quaternary Science vol. 14 p. 131. N. Ashton, S. Lewis and C. Stringer eds.

PastScape (2015) at https://www.pastscape.org.uk/hob.aspx?hob_id=305632 accessed 17.07.19

Rosell, J., Blasco, R., Campeny Vall-llosera, G., Díez Fernández-Lomana, J.C., Alonso Alcalde, R., Menéndez Granda, L., Arsuaga, J.L., Bermúdez de Castro, J.M. and Carbonell, E., 2011. Bone as a technological raw material at the Gran Dolina site (Sierra de Atapuerca, Burgos, Spain). Journal of Human Evolution 61 (2011) 125-131

Rowe, P, Austin, T, and Atkinson, T. (1988). Quaternary evolution of the British south Pennines from uranium series and palaeomagnetic data. Ann. Soc. Geol. Belg. Vol. 111:1 p97-106

Soressi, M., McPherron, S.P., Lenoir, M., Dogandžić, T., Goldberg, P., Jacobs, Z., Maigrot, Y., Martisius, N.L., Miller, C.E., Rendu, W. and Richards, M., 2013. Neandertals made the first specialized bone tools in Europe. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences, 110(35), pp.14186-14190.

Verna, C. and d’Errico, F., 2011. The earliest evidence for the use of human bone as a tool. Journal of human evolution, 60(2), pp.145-157.

WenbanSmith, F.F., Bates, M.R. and Schwenninger, J.L., 2010. Early Devensian (MIS 5d–5b) occupation at Dartford, southeast England. Journal of Quaternary Science, 25(8), pp.1193-1199.

Wilson, G. H. (1934) Cave Hunting Holidays in Peakland.